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As political interventions go, it is hardly aggressive. “At the risk of being a terrible bore”, the letter begins, before going on to ask its recipient to perhaps consider a few points, maybe reflect on a few others.
But for all its self-deprecation, the letter carries remarkable weight with its recipient, going straight to the top of a very full in-tray. The reason is its author. That “terrible bore” is none other than the Prince of Wales, writing recently to a Coalition minister.
The precise contents of such letters are subject to intense secrecy, but some of the broad themes that concern Prince Charles are known: the environment, young people, architecture, even the need to eat more mutton. More recently, as the Government tries to increase housebuilding, he has been taking an interest in planning rules, encouraging ministers to remember the need to make communities “sustainable”, both socially and environmentally.
Sometimes referred to as “black spider letters”, the Prince’s missives are actually typed, then decorated with marginal notes in his own hand. Those are not always in black ink: some ministers even report red scribbles. Still, to the disappointment of those who accuse him of eccentricity, there are no known instances of green ink in use.
The princely intervention is not limited to correspondence. Several ministers have been invited (“summoned” would be too strong - but no-one refuses) to Poundbury, his model community in Dorset, to see his principles in practice. Those visits are among around 40 formal meetings the Prince has held with Coalition ministers since 2010.
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Publicly, ministers are tight-lipped about their dealings with the Prince, but privately, some paint a picture hard to reconcile with the meddlesome irritant described by Republican-leaning critics.
“I’ve never felt like he’s telling me to do something, just asking me to think about it, and I have no problem with that,” says one Conservative minister. The Prince does not rant and he does not urge; his interventions are more thoughtful than imperative, the minister suggests. “He feels deeply, not strongly.”
Prince Charles's interest in political matters is not limited to Britain
A Whitehall source notes that the Prince, like his mother, offers permanence to the inconstant world of politics. “Dealing with him, you realise that he’s been thinking about these things for a long time,” the source says. “He sees things over a lifetime, not an electoral cycle, and that can be quite useful for ministers.”
Yet that long-term view can be hard to reconcile with the mayfly-like careers of modern politicians, and the prince has been known to express mild exasperation at the turnover of ministers in posts that interest him. “He gets a little frustrated when he gets to know a minister but then they move on and he has to get to know a new one all over again,” says one politician.
Within the Coalition, the Conservatives largely stick to their traditional loyalty to the Crown. But what of the Liberal Democrats? As the inheritors of the Whig tradition in British politics, the smaller party might be expected to harbour doubts about royal interventions in politics.
Yet some Lib Dems positively embrace the Prince and his involvement in public life. One of the under-appreciated curiosities of this government is the alliance that has developed between Nick Clegg and Prince Charles. Sources close to the Deputy Prime Minister say Mr Clegg is an admirer of the Prince’s Trust, which works with the young.
Its work, they say, has helped inform Mr Clegg’s focus on raising social mobility. “Everything we’ve done on this, we’ve been following in his footsteps,” says a Lib Dem source.
There are few better indicators of political clout than your ability to get politicians to answer your invitations. So it speaks volumes that later this month, Mr Clegg is expected to be joined by David Cameron and Ed Miliband at an event being held by the prince to publicise the Campaign for Youth Social Action, which encourages youngsters to do community work.
In some quarters, such interventions in the business of government are invidious and unwelcome. Why should an unelected aristocrat have privileged access to ministers? He may be in line to head a constitutional monarchy, but his current role has almost no constitutional distinction. Why can’t he simply wait in silence, instead of meddling?
That criticism is partly based on a misconception. It is true that a Prince of Wales holds none of the sovereign power invested in the Monarch, power lent to politicians through the post-Civil War settlement known as the Crown in Parliament.
However, the Prince is also Duke of Cornwall, a title that entitles him to the Duchy’s huge estate and assets. That also gives him a role in approving new laws, at least where they affect the Duchy’s interests. So-called “Prince’s Consent” has been applied to several dozen bills in recent years. Theoretically, the convention gives the prince a veto on new laws, though such a veto is practically impossible.
There is, supporters insist, no question of the prince using either this right or his access to ministers to veto or dilute Government plans. “If he doesn’t like something you’re doing, he just goes away and stops engaging with you,” says a source.
Still, the Prince and his undefined constitutional role will continue to attract controversy until he comes into his inheritance. A Commons committee is investigating “Prince’s Consent” and the Government has been forced into ever-more dramatic legal measures to fend off requests under the Freedom of Information Act to publish more details of his dealings with ministers.
Dominic Grieve, the Attorney General, this year blocked any move to publish those self-deprecating letters, arguing that disclosure would make it harder to do the job that will fall to him as king.
Ministers’ decisions to overrule judges is a sign of how far they will go to defend the Prince’s ability to discuss the exercise of power that will eventually be done in his name.
One Government source with a firm grasp of history recalls the chequered experience of the last man to spend decades in the constitutional limbo that is being Prince of Wales.
Edward VII was heir-apparent for 59 years, during which time his mother, Victoria, largely denied him access to official government business and ministers, a prohibition that helped drive her son to hedonism and scandal.
“We surely don’t want him to be another Edward VII and never see a red box until his coronation,” the source said. “He’s going to get the job one day, so it’s in everyone’s interests that he’s ready for it.”
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Prince Charles and his garden at Highgrove: in pics
Ever since he moved to Highgrove House, Prince Charles has dedicated himself to creating a beautiful, eco-friendly garden
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